luka

Well-known member
“To learn to see- to accustom the eye to calmness, to patience, and to allow things to come up to it; to defer judgment, and to acquire the habit of approaching and grasping an individual case from all sides. This is the first preparatory schooling of intellectuality. One must not respond immediately to a stimulus; one must acquire a command of the obstructing and isolating instincts.”
― Friedrich Nietzsche, Twilight of the Idols
 

version

Well-known member
French though
8kgr92.gif
 

version

Well-known member
That Yuk Hui piece I posted in the Trump thread leans heavily on Hegel.

I am increasingly convinced that we need to go back to Hegel’s concept of world history and world spirit to explain the historical psychology of the modern epoch. Only by understanding Hegel and the economy of the spirit might we avoid becoming mere elements of the dialectical algorithm and instead reset the rules or invent a new game. Alexander Kojève, an important reader of Hegel who popularized him among French intellectuals in the first half of the twentieth century, understood Hegel as essential to grasping the world process, yet he also resisted Hegel. A few months before May 1968, Kojève admitted that he thought Hegel was wrong in saying that Napoleon marked the end of history. In fact it was Stalin, claimed Kojève:​
The end of history wasn’t Napoleon, it was Stalin, and I’d be in charge of announcing it, with the difference that I wouldn’t be lucky enough to see Stalin ride past my window on horseback, but anyhow … After the war, I understood. No, Hegel wasn’t mistaken; he gave the exact date of the end of history, 1806. What has happened since then? Nothing at all, just the alignment of provinces [of empire]. The Chinese revolution is merely the introduction of the Napoleonic Code into China. The famous acceleration of history that everyone talks about—have you noticed that as it speeds up, historical movement advances less and less?​
1968 was the year of a worldwide student movement, a world-historical event that coincided with Kojève’s death as well as the beginnings of a liberal economy in Europe. Kojève, an experienced French diplomat—and a Soviet KGB agent—clearly saw historical movement stagnating with a universal homogeneous state, or with the triumph of thermodynamic ideology. Either way, his resistance against Hegel falls back into the logic of Hegel. But the world spirit was never Napoleon or Stalin so much as a logical necessity of the historical process itself, of the exigency to overcome a contradiction that leads to unhappy consciousness. From the standpoint of this economy of the spirit, Trump’s victory could only be expected, not because Trump is a great leader—on the contrary, he seems more like a con man—but because he understood the political climate in time to ride its wave. And now we can foresee the reversal of the order of globalization as part of the world process.​
 

dilbert1

Well-known member
@vershy versh Yeah Philosophy of History is a big long book but the Introduction’s 125 pages and stands on its own, thats why its sold in a little volume on its own which is the pdf I linked. And the children’s guide by Marcuse I linked luka has, its just the first 200 pages that are strictly on Hegel. I think its great, OG Marcuse
 

version

Well-known member
@vershy versh Yeah Philosophy of History is a big long book but the Introduction’s 125 pages and stands on its own, thats why its sold in a little volume on its own which is the pdf I linked. And the children’s guide by Marcuse I linked luka has, its just the first 200 pages that are strictly on Hegel. I think its great, OG Marcuse

I've a scan of some ancient copy of the lectures.

Screenshot from 2025-02-24 20-11-30.png
 

version

Well-known member
I got some of Kojeve's stuff and some books on him recently. There's a fairly new biography called The Black Circle.

 

version

Well-known member
His focus on world history as the process of God going about assembling itself is bizarre/fascinating. I'd always had an image of him as quite a dry, serious sort of figure, and perhaps he was, but that's the kind of thing I'd expect to hear from a crank or mystic. It's like Land claiming capitalism sent itself back from the future.

That Yuk Hui piece I posted in the Trump thread leans heavily on Hegel.

I am increasingly convinced that we need to go back to Hegel’s concept of world history and world spirit to explain the historical psychology of the modern epoch. Only by understanding Hegel and the economy of the spirit might we avoid becoming mere elements of the dialectical algorithm and instead reset the rules or invent a new game. Alexander Kojève, an important reader of Hegel who popularized him among French intellectuals in the first half of the twentieth century, understood Hegel as essential to grasping the world process, yet he also resisted Hegel. A few months before May 1968, Kojève admitted that he thought Hegel was wrong in saying that Napoleon marked the end of history. In fact it was Stalin, claimed Kojève:​
The end of history wasn’t Napoleon, it was Stalin, and I’d be in charge of announcing it, with the difference that I wouldn’t be lucky enough to see Stalin ride past my window on horseback, but anyhow … After the war, I understood. No, Hegel wasn’t mistaken; he gave the exact date of the end of history, 1806. What has happened since then? Nothing at all, just the alignment of provinces [of empire]. The Chinese revolution is merely the introduction of the Napoleonic Code into China. The famous acceleration of history that everyone talks about—have you noticed that as it speeds up, historical movement advances less and less?​
1968 was the year of a worldwide student movement, a world-historical event that coincided with Kojève’s death as well as the beginnings of a liberal economy in Europe. Kojève, an experienced French diplomat—and a Soviet KGB agent—clearly saw historical movement stagnating with a universal homogeneous state, or with the triumph of thermodynamic ideology. Either way, his resistance against Hegel falls back into the logic of Hegel. But the world spirit was never Napoleon or Stalin so much as a logical necessity of the historical process itself, of the exigency to overcome a contradiction that leads to unhappy consciousness. From the standpoint of this economy of the spirit, Trump’s victory could only be expected, not because Trump is a great leader—on the contrary, he seems more like a con man—but because he understood the political climate in time to ride its wave. And now we can foresee the reversal of the order of globalization as part of the world process.​

“The East, in particular, took hold of Hegel’s philosophy of history in the same way it took hold of the atomic bomb and other products of the Western intelligentsia in order to realize the unity of the world in accordance with its plans.”​

This is Schmitt, not Hegel, but again it sounds like some mad mystic rather than what I'd usually think of as a 'serious' philosopher. Sometimes these guys come off as sketching an incredibly elaborate and technical mythology or occultism rather than anything pragmatic, talking about abstract processes as though they've a will of their own.
 

Benny Bunter

Well-known member
look benny read this
Can definitely relate to this

"The advantage of a bad memory is that one enjoys several times the same good things for the first time."
 

dilbert1

Well-known member
Yeah @vershy versh in Platypus one of the founders whose a bit sour on the Hegelianism was in a reading group the week we did that Hegel text and was challenging everyone to explain how his view of history isn’t a secularized theology. I didn’t really have a response other than though that might be true it doesn’t really bother me and what’s interesting is to talk about why or why not (and in historical moments when or when not) that’s problematic. But then if you read on in Reason and Revolution you see how in the reception of his philosophy there were Left and Right Hegelians. Marcuse’s really good on that bit, how you can either end up embracing that status quo or have this really utopian emancipatory outlook.
 
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