The spirit level book (linked to in my above post) is ALL about the negative impact of inequality on a whole range of social outcomes, from mental health, to education, violence, teenage pregnancy etc etc.
It mainly uses statistical analysis to show the relationship and then sociological/psychological studies to suggest causes.
It focusses mainly on 'developed' nations- Portugal being the 'least developed' (Paraguay's not even in the index), mainly because the overall thrust of the argument is that increasing wealth/GDP alone doesn't create a 'better' society, despite the claims of politicians and economists.
(goes w out saying i use 'developing economies' blah blah and all that as convenient shorthand)
I know, but you can't be too careful!
USA is well out there on some of the graphs:
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That's an interesting graph, but it does make me wonder: how exactly are they quantising "health and social problems"? I mean, there must be a virtually infinite number of different ways you could apportion weight and significance to all kinds of different indicators. In contrast to income inequality, which is well defined.
For example, the "social problems" index presumably doesn't attach too much significance to the suicide rate, which is twice as high in Sweden as is it in the (apparently highly dysfunctional) UK. And Japan's is far higher still. OK, so there's more to how 'healthy' a society is than how low or high the suicide rate is, but to me it seems a pretty significant figure.
In societies where income differences between rich and poor are smaller, the statistics show that community life is stronger and more people feel they can trust others. There is also less violence - including lower homicide rates; health tends to be better and life expectancy is higher. In fact most of the problems related to relative deprivation are reduced: prison populations are smaller, teenage birth rates are lower, maths and literacy scores tend to be higher, and there is less obesity.
That is a lot to attribute to inequality, but all these relationships have been demonstrated in at least two independent settings: among the richest developed societies, and among the 50 states of the USA. In both cases, places with smaller income differences do better and the relationships cannot be dismissed as chance findings. Some of them have already been shown in large numbers of studies - there are over 170 looking at the tendency for health to be better in more equal societies and something like 40 looking at the relation between violence and inequality. As you might expect, inequality makes a larger contribution to some problems than others, and it is of course far from being the only cause of social ills. But it does look as if the scale of inequality is the most important single explanation for the huge differences in the prevalence of social problems between societies. The relationships tend to be strongest among problems which show the sharpest class differences and are most closely related to relative deprivation.
The most obvious explanation for these patterns is that more unequal societies have more social problems because they have more poor people. But this is not the main explanation. Most of the effect of inequality is the result of worse outcomes across the vast majority of the population. In a more unequal society, even middle class people on good incomes are likely to be less healthy, less likely to be involved in community life, more likely to be obese, and more likely to be victims of violence. Similarly, their children are likely to do less well at school, are more likely to use drugs and more likely to become teenage parents.
The first thing to recognise is that we are dealing with the effects of relative rather than absolute deprivation and poverty. Violence, poor health or school failure are not problems which can be solved by economic growth. Everyone getting richer without redistribution doesn't help. Although economic growth remains important in poorer countries, across the richest 25 or 30 countries, there is no tendency whatsoever for health to be better among the most affluent rather than the least affluent of these rich countries. The same is also true of levels of violence, teenage pregnancy rates, literacy and maths scores among school children, and even obesity rates. In poorer countries both inequality and economic growth are important to outcomes such as health, but rich countries have reached a level of development beyond which further rises in material living standards do not help reduce health or social problems. While greater equality is important at all levels of economic development, the connection between life expectancy and Gross National Income per head weakens as countries get richer until, among the very richest countries, the connection disappears entirely.
However, within each country, ill health and social problems are closely associated with income. The more deprived areas in our societies have more of most problems. So what does it mean if the differences in income within rich societies matter, but income differences between them do not? It tells us that what matters is where we stand in relation to others in our own society. The issue is social status and relative income. So for example, why the USA has the highest homicide rates, the highest teenage pregnancy rates, the highest rates of imprisonment, and comes about 28th in the international league table of life expectancy, is because it also has the biggest income differences. In contrast, countries like Japan, Sweden and Norway, although not as rich as the US, all have smaller income differences and do well on all these measures. Even among the 50 states of the USA, those with smaller income differences perform as well as more egalitarian countries on most of these measures.
- poor collection of health/social problem data, as collective self-concept comes first
End result: general intolerance of outliers, either culturally or in terms of health.
as i say, sorry to butt in w one tiny little thing as the meat of your post has something, i think, (and your conclusion very much worth pondering) but i just wanted to note the above.
That's fine - hadn't looked into the context of the graph. Just taking an idea and running/stumbling with it.
I guess the conclusion to the particular line I have presented is that one might be forced with a choice: between equalising incomes within a nation and equalising incomes between nations.
there may also be less of an inclination to collect data that may undermine this self-conception (as well as to 'create' non-problems (cf. supposed over-medicalisation in the US) or identify actual problems).
yeah, interesting that.
i admit the impression i have of Japan is it definitely remains a fairly ethnically homogeneous country, granted. (this is a sidenote to a sidenote really, and i'm not making a 'point' here, just observing. i guess i could think out loud and say i don't think we need to bring immigration into any discussion of this nature.)
Scott I would raise you on that , I would venture Japan is still a quite 'ethnically homogeneous country',
with many issues that one just doesn't talk about > do anything about.
It's got to be the most ossified , overly static 'cratic country .
No hope is a large problem there.
A current NHK TV drama's subject is ... the coming of the black ships to Japan, obv. still a topic.
The flip side of 'cool japan'.
Yeah, maybe I shouldn't THE most ossified, but it's right up there , in a gray politicorp way.
My wife (Japanese ) and I hear about so many suicides over the years, have dealt with some close to home.